“Trust
but verify” was the only mantra coming out of the Reagan era that I had, and
continue to have, any particular reverence for. With these words he insisted upon
the need for on-site inspections of Soviet missile sites, but I would suggest
that they possess a more general wisdom and have an application to, well,
everything, including visiting quasi-professorial banter. This nugget, Ufaj, ale sprawdzaj, rendered in
flawless Polish, represented the high point of my lecture to Dr. Banaś’s
first-year master’s class. They appreciated the translational effort. My
critique, though transparently liberal, was not a wholly ungenerous
deconstruction of the Reagan myth delivered in contemporary American English. I
tried to counter the impression of “economic miracle” with numbers drawn from
Krugman and Stieglitz and true confessions by David Stockman. Little ever
trickles down; most gets fracked up. (I should find that passage in Eklezjastesa.) But even as I qualified,
and rightly so, the homely, heroic image of the Great Communicator, our Ronnie,
I could concoct a case in my own mind for his deserving bronze statues in
Poland.
You see,
these students’ knowledge of English is infinitely better than my knowledge of
Polish, and I wondered aloud whether we had Ronald Reagan to thank for that, as
they might otherwise have had to learn Russian in school, as Dr. Banaś
had. We liberals—this liberal anyway—like to think that the Soviet Union was at
the point of collapsing of its own sclerotic ideological and centralized
economic weight, which may have been proximately true as well. But what if that
collapse had been delayed or deferred ten years, what if the Politburo had clumsily
temporized on a bit longer, what if Putin, or a Putin, had been available instead of Gorbachev? Ten years in the
larger historical picture doesn’t mean much—except for those actually living
under those conditions for ten more years in central and eastern Europe. What
if U.S. military overspending, as the argument goes, actually did pressure the
Soviet military to keep pace, a pace its rickety economy simply couldn’t match
or sustain, hastening the realization that their system was broken and
prompting efforts like glasnost and perestroika. Even if the arms race
wasn’t cost effective for us, perhaps it actually made a significant difference
to Poles, in their lives, proved their lucky break. What if trickledown really
does trickle, though it takes forever and trickles out to the strangest places?
Otherwise, I might not have had an audience this week.
I also
granted that Reagan reversed the political economic discourse in the United
States from one of social welfare progressivism to that of a diminished
governmental and deregulated capitalism—whatever the realities. Such a shift in
social messaging is no mean feat—at least in the sense of “small, negligible.”
That Greed might be Good proved a surprisingly good sell by the late 80s, even
to those who couldn’t afford it. Such free(r)-market entrepreneurialism has its
appeal to intelligent, well-intended Poles who have lived under Communism and
live now under a kind of recovering, cronified capitalism. But already,
relatively early on, there are signs of an awareness that the benefits of economic
growth might be divinely complicated, à la this Cracovian Banksy. A not so sacred heart.