Friday, April 26, 2013

Ufaj ale Sprawdzaj

“Trust but verify” was the only mantra coming out of the Reagan era that I had, and continue to have, any particular reverence for. With these words he insisted upon the need for on-site inspections of Soviet missile sites, but I would suggest that they possess a more general wisdom and have an application to, well, everything, including visiting quasi-professorial banter. This nugget, Ufaj, ale sprawdzaj, rendered in flawless Polish, represented the high point of my lecture to Dr. Banaś’s first-year master’s class. They appreciated the translational effort. My critique, though transparently liberal, was not a wholly ungenerous deconstruction of the Reagan myth delivered in contemporary American English. I tried to counter the impression of “economic miracle” with numbers drawn from Krugman and Stieglitz and true confessions by David Stockman. Little ever trickles down; most gets fracked up. (I should find that passage in Eklezjastesa.) But even as I qualified, and rightly so, the homely, heroic image of the Great Communicator, our Ronnie, I could concoct a case in my own mind for his deserving bronze statues in Poland.


You see, these students’ knowledge of English is infinitely better than my knowledge of Polish, and I wondered aloud whether we had Ronald Reagan to thank for that, as they might otherwise have had to learn Russian in school, as Dr. Banaś had. We liberals—this liberal anyway—like to think that the Soviet Union was at the point of collapsing of its own sclerotic ideological and centralized economic weight, which may have been proximately true as well. But what if that collapse had been delayed or deferred ten years, what if the Politburo had clumsily temporized on a bit longer, what if Putin, or a Putin, had been available instead of Gorbachev? Ten years in the larger historical picture doesn’t mean much—except for those actually living under those conditions for ten more years in central and eastern Europe. What if U.S. military overspending, as the argument goes, actually did pressure the Soviet military to keep pace, a pace its rickety economy simply couldn’t match or sustain, hastening the realization that their system was broken and prompting efforts like glasnost and perestroika. Even if the arms race wasn’t cost effective for us, perhaps it actually made a significant difference to Poles, in their lives, proved their lucky break. What if trickledown really does trickle, though it takes forever and trickles out to the strangest places? Otherwise, I might not have had an audience this week.

I also granted that Reagan reversed the political economic discourse in the United States from one of social welfare progressivism to that of a diminished governmental and deregulated capitalism—whatever the realities. Such a shift in social messaging is no mean feat—at least in the sense of “small, negligible.” That Greed might be Good proved a surprisingly good sell by the late 80s, even to those who couldn’t afford it. Such free(r)-market entrepreneurialism has its appeal to intelligent, well-intended Poles who have lived under Communism and live now under a kind of recovering, cronified capitalism. But already, relatively early on, there are signs of an awareness that the benefits of economic growth might be divinely complicated, à la this Cracovian Banksy. A not so sacred heart.